Earlier this year, the estimable industry consultant Peter Rousmaniere published a report entitled The Uncompensated Worker: Financial Impact of Work Comp on Households. In the report, Peter summarizes the realistic impact that workers compensation has on families: "The
scenarios [explored in the report] show that a brief work disability often results in a sharp cut in take-home pay, after
the deductibles are applied. An extended disability lasting for months can cause many injured
workers to struggle to meet their household expenses, forcing these employees to dig into
their savings and risk losing their financial cushion."
And in an article last week published on Insurance Business America, Mark Walls, Vice President of Communications and Strategic Analysis at Safety National, noted the economic anachronism that is our current work comp system. "Today, there are lots of skilled craftspeople who earn more than that [an indemnity cap of $1,100/week]. For anyone who earns a good living, going on workers comp can be a devastating blow, when it should not be."
While the world certainly affords no law to make an injured worker rich, our current system doesn't even appear to allow some injured workers to avoid poverty. These two pieces came to mind when I saw this headline recently in the Harvard Business Review: The Link Between Income Inequality and Physical Pain. Researchers from UVA and Columbia hypothesized that there might be a link between fiscal pain and physical pain.
First, they looked at the consumption patters of over-the-counter painkillers among 33,000 US households. Compared to households in which at least one head of household was employed, those in which both were unemployed exhibited 20% higher spend on OTC painkillers. Next, researchers asked people how much physical pain they were currently experiencing, but did so after informing the respondent of the unemployment rate in his or her state. Employment status again proved to be a predictor of physical pain levels and, interestingly, simply living in a state with a high unemployment rate appears to lead to higher reports of physical pain. They also did a fun experiment involving undergraduates and buckets of ice water, but you can read the article see how that went.
The researchers sum up their findings across studies as follows: "When people encounter economic insecurity, they typically feel a lost of control. A sense of control is one of the foundational elements of well-being. When people lose their sense of control, their body goes a bit haywire and responds to stimuli differently - displaying a weakened resilience and a lower pain threshold."
So here's an existential question for you this Monday morning: Might the very system we've devised to address pain resulting from workplace injury actually induce pain instead?
Michael
On Twitter @PRIUM1
Michael Gavin, President of PRIUM, focuses on healthcare issues facing risk managers in the workers' compensation space and beyond. He places particular emphasis on the over-utilization of prescription drugs in the treatment of injured workers.
Showing posts with label painkillers. Show all posts
Showing posts with label painkillers. Show all posts
Monday, April 4, 2016
Monday, March 14, 2016
States Take On Painkillers
Despite efforts at the federal level (CDC guidelines - such as they are, the Obama administration committing $1 billion to fight drug abuse, etc.), the real public policy movement on prescription drug and heroin abuse is happening at the state level. And it's happening fast.
This morning, Massachusetts Governor Charlie Baker signed into law new restrictions on opioid prescriptions in his state. Perhaps most notably, new opioid prescriptions are not to exceed a 7 day supply. This is groundbreaking legislation and could lead to similar bills throughout the country. Yes, there are carve outs for cancer patients and chronic pain patients, but these are reasonable caveats necessary to maintain access to care. Whether or not opioids are medically necessary for most chronic pain patients (they're not) is a separate discussion. This law will help prevent dependence and addiction in new patients. We still have a lot of work to do with the existing chronic pain population. One more tidbit - there's no exception for work comp. I've scoured the 42 pages of the bill and injured workers will be subject to the same protocol as everyone else.
From today's New York Times, a recap of state-level efforts to curb painkiller and heroin abuse (highlighting the above mentioned efforts in Massachusetts). Did you know that there are 375 proposals moving through state legislatures nationwide regarding prescription painkillers, pain clinics, and other aspects of treatment? That's a dizzying pace of regulation. The fault, our governors have decided, will not fall to the underlings of the federal bureaucracy - they're going to do something about this. Now. Governor Pete Shumlin of Vermont, who devoted the entirety of his 2014 State of the State speech to this topic, summed it up best: "The states are going to lead on this because Big Pharma has too much power." I'd add that state medical associations have a lot of power, too, but they've come to the table across the country. In Massachusetts, the president of the state's medical society put in plainly: "Usually we are opposed to carving anything in stone that has to do with medical practice. But we are willing to go forward with this limitation [the 7 day supply restriction] because we recognize this is a unique public health crisis."
The Times also has a piece today covering direct-to-consumer (DTC) advertising for pharmaceutical products, a practice that the American Medical Association has advocated be banned. The research suggests that there may be benefits to DTC advertising. Yes, utilization of advertised drugs goes up. But so does utilization of competitive drugs in the same class. The article seems to think this is good news - conditions historically stigmatized (like depression) are being treated more frequently because DTC advertising is prompting doctor-patient conversations that might not have taken place otherwise. I acknowledge this is a good thing, but can we not come up with a better way to remove stigma and treat mental health conditions than spending hundreds of millions of dollars on TV ads? Finally, there appears to be an uptick in patient medication compliance as a result of DTC advertising (you see the ad, you're reminded to take the pill that's already been prescribed to you). That's great, but again... can we not come up with better approaches to patient medication compliance? I still think the risks and costs of DTC advertising outweigh the benefits.
Lots going on. I sense progress.
Michael
On Twitter @PRIUM1
This morning, Massachusetts Governor Charlie Baker signed into law new restrictions on opioid prescriptions in his state. Perhaps most notably, new opioid prescriptions are not to exceed a 7 day supply. This is groundbreaking legislation and could lead to similar bills throughout the country. Yes, there are carve outs for cancer patients and chronic pain patients, but these are reasonable caveats necessary to maintain access to care. Whether or not opioids are medically necessary for most chronic pain patients (they're not) is a separate discussion. This law will help prevent dependence and addiction in new patients. We still have a lot of work to do with the existing chronic pain population. One more tidbit - there's no exception for work comp. I've scoured the 42 pages of the bill and injured workers will be subject to the same protocol as everyone else.
From today's New York Times, a recap of state-level efforts to curb painkiller and heroin abuse (highlighting the above mentioned efforts in Massachusetts). Did you know that there are 375 proposals moving through state legislatures nationwide regarding prescription painkillers, pain clinics, and other aspects of treatment? That's a dizzying pace of regulation. The fault, our governors have decided, will not fall to the underlings of the federal bureaucracy - they're going to do something about this. Now. Governor Pete Shumlin of Vermont, who devoted the entirety of his 2014 State of the State speech to this topic, summed it up best: "The states are going to lead on this because Big Pharma has too much power." I'd add that state medical associations have a lot of power, too, but they've come to the table across the country. In Massachusetts, the president of the state's medical society put in plainly: "Usually we are opposed to carving anything in stone that has to do with medical practice. But we are willing to go forward with this limitation [the 7 day supply restriction] because we recognize this is a unique public health crisis."
The Times also has a piece today covering direct-to-consumer (DTC) advertising for pharmaceutical products, a practice that the American Medical Association has advocated be banned. The research suggests that there may be benefits to DTC advertising. Yes, utilization of advertised drugs goes up. But so does utilization of competitive drugs in the same class. The article seems to think this is good news - conditions historically stigmatized (like depression) are being treated more frequently because DTC advertising is prompting doctor-patient conversations that might not have taken place otherwise. I acknowledge this is a good thing, but can we not come up with a better way to remove stigma and treat mental health conditions than spending hundreds of millions of dollars on TV ads? Finally, there appears to be an uptick in patient medication compliance as a result of DTC advertising (you see the ad, you're reminded to take the pill that's already been prescribed to you). That's great, but again... can we not come up with better approaches to patient medication compliance? I still think the risks and costs of DTC advertising outweigh the benefits.
Lots going on. I sense progress.
Michael
On Twitter @PRIUM1
Monday, February 22, 2016
As the Pendulum Swings, Governors Weigh In
June 13, 2001: In the first case of its kind, an Alameda, California jury awards the Bergman family $1.5 million for under-treatment of pain during a hospital stay. The case facts are dense and the clinical arguments are nuanced (according to this law review article, the best summation of the case and its implications I could find), but the trial represented a referendum on pain treatment in this country and despite the treating provider's prescriptions for Demerol and Vicodin, the jury found he had not done enough to manage the patient's intractable pain.
October 30, 2015: In the first case of its kind, a California doctor is convicted of murder in the deaths of three patients who were prescribed "crazy, outrageous amounts" of painkillers. Dr. Lisa Tseng earned $5 million in one three-year period as she built her practice around prescribing huge amounts of opioids with little record keeping and total disregard for patient safety. "You can't hide behind a white lab coat and commit crimes," said the district attorney.
In the intervening 14 years between the Bergman case the the Tseng case, a lot has happened. To be clear, I'm not comparing the two cases. Nor am I suggesting that either is wholly representative of current approaches to pain management generally or opioid use specifically. Rather, I see these two cases as sentinels - two opposing, symbolic, and instructive cases that exhibit how far the pendulum of pain management is capable of swinging.
This weekend, the National Governor's Association gathered in Washington, D.C. To the surprise of some, the sessions have been dominated by bipartisan concerns over prescription drug abuse. The group of governors decided over the weekend to explore creating new guidelines on painkiller prescriptions that could include restrictions on the number of prescriptions that can be written and "locking in" a doctor and pharmacy so patients can only secure painkillers at a single location.
This is a good sign. Perhaps the governors can find the right place for the pendulum to come to rest, a balance between public health crisis and pain management access. Governor Shumlin of Vermont, who devoted his entire State of the State address to this issue in 2014, summed it up best: "You have the most conservative Republican governors and the most liberal Democratic governors agreeing" on the urgent need to get something done. In this winter of political discontent, when is the last time we could say that about any public policy issue?
But they face significant challenges:
First, guideline overload. CDC, ODG, ACOEM, State of (fill in the blank), FDA labeling, NIH, and a dozen other reputable organizations all have guidelines around opioid prescribing. If the governors add another set of guidelines, we risk alienating the very primary care physicians we're trying to reach and educate.
Second, unintended consequences. This list is admittedly tough:
October 30, 2015: In the first case of its kind, a California doctor is convicted of murder in the deaths of three patients who were prescribed "crazy, outrageous amounts" of painkillers. Dr. Lisa Tseng earned $5 million in one three-year period as she built her practice around prescribing huge amounts of opioids with little record keeping and total disregard for patient safety. "You can't hide behind a white lab coat and commit crimes," said the district attorney.
In the intervening 14 years between the Bergman case the the Tseng case, a lot has happened. To be clear, I'm not comparing the two cases. Nor am I suggesting that either is wholly representative of current approaches to pain management generally or opioid use specifically. Rather, I see these two cases as sentinels - two opposing, symbolic, and instructive cases that exhibit how far the pendulum of pain management is capable of swinging.
This weekend, the National Governor's Association gathered in Washington, D.C. To the surprise of some, the sessions have been dominated by bipartisan concerns over prescription drug abuse. The group of governors decided over the weekend to explore creating new guidelines on painkiller prescriptions that could include restrictions on the number of prescriptions that can be written and "locking in" a doctor and pharmacy so patients can only secure painkillers at a single location.
This is a good sign. Perhaps the governors can find the right place for the pendulum to come to rest, a balance between public health crisis and pain management access. Governor Shumlin of Vermont, who devoted his entire State of the State address to this issue in 2014, summed it up best: "You have the most conservative Republican governors and the most liberal Democratic governors agreeing" on the urgent need to get something done. In this winter of political discontent, when is the last time we could say that about any public policy issue?
But they face significant challenges:
First, guideline overload. CDC, ODG, ACOEM, State of (fill in the blank), FDA labeling, NIH, and a dozen other reputable organizations all have guidelines around opioid prescribing. If the governors add another set of guidelines, we risk alienating the very primary care physicians we're trying to reach and educate.
Second, unintended consequences. This list is admittedly tough:
- Limiting the number of pills in circulation may prove to be correlated with an increase in heroin use;
- Laws aims at bad docs can make good docs less willing to treat pain patients;
- One state's successful efforts to combat prescription drug misuse and abuse can shift such activity to neighboring states.
Despite all of these obstacles, this is obviously a fight worth fighting. And with such bipartisan support, maybe our governors can actually lead the way toward solutions that make sense.
Michael
On Twitter @PRIUM1
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